Contemporary Indian foreign policy has its share of detractors. When looked at India’s actions superficially, justifiably so. Naturally, some sections of the international chatterati believe India’s stance on the Ukraine war and the recent squabble with Ottawa are examples of Delhi’s self-centred approach. Such arguments reflect the growing conjecture that India does not care enough for values and is an interests-only power.
In this context, we would do well to step back and revisit the first principle that countries, irrespective of the rhetoric espoused, function based on their interests.
To rewind to the post-war period, the United States emerged as one of the global superpowers after the defeat of the Axis powers in World War II. Unlike its wartime ally, the Soviet Union, German tanks had not battered the US army. Moreover, compared to its beleaguered West European peers, Washington’s position was undeniably preferable. From this vantage point of preeminence, the US carefully built the “rules-based” international order. In effect, the rules of the order flowed from the reservoir of American power.
Given the necessity of building a stable order, American officials and diplomats intuitively understood that pursuing self-interest at the cost of others would generate resentment. Such resentment would repeat the horror cycle of the previous decades. Therefore, Washington encouraged economic growth in Germany and Japan. The primary motive was to defang the snake of post-war animosity. Ideas of free trade, liberalism and economic reconstruction impregnated the new American order. Washington’s message to Berlin and Tokyo was straightforward: chase prosperity, rebuild your economies, but play within our order. Sapped by the doldrums of persistent conflict, the Axis partners readily acquiesced.
During this period, India underwent an identity rejig. Independence from the British in 1947 meant the fetters of political overlordship were unshackled. Drinking from the goblets of freedom, the Indian leadership believed New Delhi’s time had come. With his gift of the gab, Jawaharlal Nehru frequently held forth about India’s position among the rule-makers of the world. No matter impoverishment and scarcity, India’s history as a civilisation made it a great power, believed Nehru.
In the 1950s, hectoring the West about hypocrisy and double standards was one of the recourses of India’s external policy. Colonial enterprise, rapid nuclear armament and dividing the world into spheres of influence were the routine accusations that emerged from the Indian discourse about values and principles. However, given the dearth of Delhi’s material capabilities, Western policymakers paid scant attention to Delhi’s moralising. It was a case of an empty vessel making more noise.
In the 1960s, the realities of war struck Delhi. Two wars with its neighbours, first with China and later Pakistan, punctured the romantic notions of Delhi’s “manifest destiny” in the comity of nations. The Anglo-American penchant for Pakistan also concerned Delhi. The natural course of action was to cement ties with the Soviet Union. Consequently, till the end of the Cold War, partnership with Moscow remained the overpowering doctrine of Indian foreign policy.
Since then, India has reimposed faith in doing the boring things that take one far. Actions like growing the economy, calling for more arms production at home and diversifying its external partners. Consequently, the last three decades have produced a linear flow in India’s foreign policy. In the same spirit, capitalising on natural equities in the Anglosphere countries is, and will remain, one of Delhi’s priorities.
Even after the decent showing for the last three decades, India still has mountains to climb. Compared to China’s economic pie of $14 trillion, India still lags at around $3 trillion. In other words, India is in the phase of building capabilities. However, building a robust economy is difficult in India’s neighbourhood. With two colluding neighbours with nuclear weapons breathing down one’s neck, the scenario of security threats going out of control remains ever-present. In this security landscape, India has limited choice but to focus on its interests in building material capabilities which flow from a powerful economy.
Naturally, India’s foreign policy choices also originate from this desire. Taking a nuanced position vis-a-vis the war in Europe and refuting Canada’s claims stems from keeping away maladies that may infect India’s economic pursuits. Ignoring relations with Russia could imperil India’s arms inventory that relies on Russian spare parts and maintenance, and going soft on issues of terrorism risks domestic stability.
History shows that to make principles count, India needs power. Without that, no amount of beating the drum – about values and principles – will preserve order. It will be mere noise.
Ved Shinde is a research assistant at the Asia Society Policy Institute, New Delhi. He studies Politics and Economics at St. Stephens College, University of Delhi. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely that of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18’s views.
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