Rahul Gandhi is set to become the Leader of Opposition (LoP). The constitutional post, the first one Rahul has ever held, means he is a “shadow” Prime Minister-in-waiting, presides over a “shadow” cabinet, and is also, in a manner of speaking, a “shadow” parliamentary affairs minister. In this role, he is tasked with sharing the enormous burden of making things come together for the lower House to function through consensus. There are many other “shadows” he will cast as he enacts the several roles he embodies as LoP on the many stages he is likely to grace. But, at least for the next five years, he must accept he isn’t going to play the lead role. But we digress.
Back to the point and the pertinent question: How will Rahul Gandhi be as the LoP?
That’s the only question we need to have answered if the next five years aren’t going to turn into the vexed legislative doldrum that Parliament had become under Dr Manmohan Singh when he skippered the sinking boat that was UPA-2.
Surprisingly this question isn’t being asked with the assiduousness that it deserves especially given the consequentiality of Rahul Gandhi’s new role for Indian democracy.
Instead, for the past few days the focus has been on whether the Prime Minister has the delicate touch that is needed to shepherd a coalition. Some observers believe that Modi is not a man given to compromise. They claim he is in the mould of a latter-day Kemalist: A “my-way-or-the-highway” variety of strongman. And that his “unilateralism” is going to prove to be the undoing of the NDA. These commentators justify their cynicism by pointing out that Modi has never lost an election which makes him impervious to humility, and that he’s always been the “big I am” in government so he will never yield to another point of view.
While it is true that brand Modi has been singularly immune to loss, these professional carpers often forget the times when they’ve pointed out just how “politically felicitous” the Prime Minister can be. If there’s one thing the folks who have their daggers out for Modi can agree upon, it is the PM’s survival instinct. We tend to forget, the BJP has had and still has coalition arrangements in many states and it is but natural to think that in an alleged hyper-centralised, PMO-directed, governance structure Modi would have had a huge role in managing contradictions associated with such tie-ups. Thus, it is a little naive to gainsay Modi’s ability to iron out wrinkles when they present themselves.
So, there is a good chance the PM will pull through, and for proof, the doubters needn’t look further than how he managed the relationship with the late Pranab Mukherjee, a veteran Congressman who was President when Modi took charge as Prime Minister.
Let’s now talk about Rahul Gandhi.
The scion is following in a hoary tradition of big Gandhi names ascending constitutional posts. Most recently Sonia Gandhi, his mother. Like her, Rahul has swanned in to stake claim to the LoP post which entitles him to perform a service that is, among many other things, pivotal to the transactionalism that defines much of parliamentary parlaying.
His detractors could say Rahul’s surname has had a huge role in ushering him to this position. The Indian parliamentary system is based on the Westminster model. There, in England, the LoP is the leader of the lead Opposition party, elected through a rigorous process.
In his new role, Rahul will be undoubtedly tested in the several committee rooms where he will have to work with the Prime Minister.
At present, a stalemate is looking most likely. We already have an inkling of what to expect. The Opposition’s somewhat unprecedented decision to contest the Speaker’s post, many in the BJP argue, was mostly Rahul’s refusal to accept the fact that the INDIA bloc hasn’t been elected to serve. The decision to contest was the first blow to assurances that the Opposition will endeavour to ensure that consensus will prevail in the House.
Aside from temperament, there are other issues. It’s fair to say until now that the number of days Rahul Gandhi has attended Parliament, the number of questions he’s asked relating to his constituency, and even his participation in parliamentary committee deliberations have been well below the House average. In the next five years, he will need to change that.
Now that the die is cast, we must hope that Rahul succeeds, because in his success lies the success of our parliamentary system.
Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18’s views.
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